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In preparation for their involvement in the private sphere, girls, on the other hand, were expected to be passive, obedient, and chaste, and to participate fully in the running of the household (Comas-Diaz, 1987). According to the strength resiliency perspective, there is a linkage between the extended kinship system prevalent in Puerto Rico during Spanish colonial rule and the familistic orientation of the contempo­ rary Puerto Rican family. However, unlike culture of poverty theorists, who argue that familism hinders advancement, proponents of the adaptive model argue that the familistic orientation of Puerto Ricans facilitates achievement by providing an extensive support network.

Therefore, in this section, I will first present the cultural explanation for the existence of informal social support networks among African Americans, followed by a general discussion of Latinos, and concluding with a more specific discussion of Chicanos and Puerto Ricans. Next, I will present a critique of the research that compares network participation between different racial-ethnic families. Ethnographic studies of informal social support networks tend to emphasize the cultural aspects of these networks.

There were two basic patterns of household organization in West Africa. The nuclear family configuration occurred when a man and his wife or wives and their children lived together in his house or compound. The extended family structure occurred when two or more related families lived together in the house or compound of a single household head. These two different types of family organiza­ tion coexisted peacefully in many African communities (Billingsley, 1968, 1992). Furthermore, the African ethos of survival of the tribe, oneness, and mutual responsibility that were reflected in and rein­ forced by a strong sense of kinship enabled Africans to maintain a sense of community during slavery (Nobles, 1974).

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