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By Walter F. Hahn

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Monnet and other French advocates of economic integration believed in European unity, but they were every bit as much interested in the Schuman Plan as a spur to economic modernization and rationalization. French politicians and military leaders who were still 38 A T L A N T I C C O M M U N I T Y IN CRISIS suspicious of Germany looked upon the Schuman Plan as a means of subordinating an important industrial sector of an irrepressibly recuperating Germany to joint planning and control. (14) Once it became clear that the United States warmly approved of the Schuman Plan, Italy and the Benelux countries were eager to be included.

7) L e o Moulin, "Anti-Americanism in Europe: A Psychoanalysis," Winter 1958, p. 451. E. , pp. 451-452. (9) Wilfrid Knapp, A History of War and P e a c e 1939-1965, Royal Institute of International Affairs (London: Oxford University Press, 1967), pp. 79-101; Harry N . S. Policy (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), Chapter VII; Adam Ulam, Expansion and C o existence (London: Seecker and Warburg, 1968), p. 404; N A T O : Facts and Figures (Brussels: N A T O information Service, 1971), pp.

P. 67. (42) Speeches and Press Conferences, op. , p. 77. Behind this view of an eventual Europe from the "Atlantic to the Urals" lay De Gaulle's conviction that communist ideology was but a temporary aberration which distorted traditional "Russian" national interests. Thus, Russia, as part of Europe, was in the long run destined to rejoin the other European states in an all-European political construction. See Goodman, p. 73. (43) Michael Leigh, "Giscard and the European Community," The World Today, February 1977, p.

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