By Martin Klimke, Joachim Scharloth
A concise reference for researchers at the protest activities of the Nineteen Sixties and Nineteen Seventies, this booklet covers the heritage of a number of the nationwide protest pursuits, the transnational facets of those pursuits, and the typical narratives and cultures of reminiscence surrounding them. www.1968ineurope.com
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Extra info for 1968 in Europe: A History of Protest and Activism, 1956-1977 (Palgrave MacMillan Transnational History)
Although the treaty did not lead to peace, disarmament, or an end of the Cold War, nearly all campaigns for nuclear disarmament saw a reduction in both members and enthusiasm. In particular, the liberal elements of the movement, which were content with the moderate aims of controlled disarmament and détente, almost completely stopped their activities. Some organizations even collapsed, such as American Student Peace Union in 1964, or were absorbed by other movements. However, fewer activities did not mean the end of the international peace movement.
For example, there was a decidedly Situationist character to a number of countercultural watchwords. A report from Paris in 1968 stated, “The revolution which is beginning will call in question not only capitalist society but industrial society. The consumer’s society must perish of a violent death. The society of alienation must disappear from history. We are inventing a new and original world. ”17 However, other counterculture theorists ignored the Situationists’ ideological role, a phenomenon that Joseph Berke summed up canonically in 1968: According to the situationalists, a universally dominant system tending towards totalitarian self-regulation is being resisted, but only apparently, by false forms of opposition which remain trapped on the territory laid down by the system—a system which these illusions can thus only serve to reinforce.
They appealed to the governments and strove to achieve a modification of law—that is, they followed a legalistic course of action. Antimilitarism, in contrast, was deeply rooted in the labor movement. 2 The majority of the Second Socialist International was heavily influenced by the German Socialists and believed that changes in society and the Socialists’ seizure of political power would automatically stop any future wars, because the power over arms would lie in the hands of the proletariat. ” Organizations like the Internationale Antimilitaristische Vereinigung or the Industrial Workers of the World, founded in 1905 in the United States, were in favor of strategies against war that can be described by using key words like sabotage, objection, strike, and passive resistance.